Research done in conjunction with Emma Arasi-Sua and Muireann Van Nieuwenhove

Abstract

This research explored how transportation infrastructure in Belfast reflects the city’s communication of climate emergency within its economic growth and environmental planning strategies. Using degrowth theory as a critical lens, we evaluated Belfast’s Economic Strategy 2022–2030 and Roadmap to Net Zero to assess whether they embody genuine ecological commitment or repackage growth in green terms.

While climate-focused language is present in both documents, our analysis found that structural change remains absent. Economic expansion dominates the narrative, with key climate issues—such as Scope 3 emissions, public transport, and active mobility—receiving insufficient attention. Interviews with local stakeholders revealed widespread frustration with fragmented responsibilities, limited institutional capacity, and a top-down approach to climate communication that lacks citizen inclusion.

Our findings suggest that Belfast’s current strategies fall short of addressing the climate emergency in a meaningful, integrated way. Key recommendations include aligning climate and economic goals, investing in active and public transport, empowering communities through participatory planning, and reassessing the growth imperative. Further research is needed to understand how Belfast’s socio-political landscape—particularly the legacy of peace walls—shapes access to sustainable transport. The city’s climate future will depend on inclusive governance, bold leadership, and a willingness to embrace transformative change.

Introduction

In capitalistic society, economic growth is often a primary objective for cities, and Belfast is no exception. The city’s Economic Strategy for Belfast 2022–2030 (Belfast City Council, 2022) outlines ambitious goals for growth, including a significant expansion of key industries, improvements to transportation infrastructure and the enhancement of Belfast’s role as a regional economic hub. While the strategy incorporates sustainability measures as part of its agenda, there are lingering questions about whether these are viable or significant enough to address the environmental challenges the city faces. Similarly, Belfast’s Net-Zero Carbon Roadmap (Gouldson et al., 2020) contains ambitious net zero goals, but it is unclear how these align with the city’s economic development plans and their government regulation for climate action. 

We will focus on how transport infrastructure investment, including active transport, key components of the city’s growth strategy, align — or conflict — with sustainability and environmental justice frameworks. In doing so, this study aims to examine whether Belfast’s goals for economic expansion can truly be achieved in a sustainable manner or if the prioritisation of growth fundamentally undermines environmental objectives. 

Central Research Question

“How can we use transportation infrastructure as a lens through which we can assess the communication of climate emergency within a city’s economic growth and environmental plans, with a particular focus on Belfast?”

By addressing this question, this research contributes to ongoing discussions around communicating climate emergency, with a particular focus on transport infrastructure. This research will critically examine the theoretical tensions between economic growth and environmental sustainability, drawing on degrowth frameworks to explore whether Belfast’s policies can effectively support a just and sustainable transition. 

Using the Economic Strategy for Belfast 2022–2030 and the Belfast Roadmap to Net-Zero as primary sources, we will investigate contradictions and gaps between the two as well as ascertaining opportunities for better mechanisms of government to communicate the climate emergency. 

Literature Review

Scholars have consistently argued that Northern Ireland’s environmental policy has been shaped, and constrained, by its post-conflict political priorities. The legacy of the Troubles and the political settlement of the Good Friday Agreement, in 1998, have entrenched a policy agenda dominated by social cohesion, economic recovery, and peacebuilding (Barry, 2009; McClenaghan, 2008). Within this framework, ecological concerns have been persistently deprioritised. Environmental governance has suffered from chronic underinvestment and weak institutional development, often dismissed as secondary to immediate political stabilisation. The consequences of this neglect are now increasingly visible. Brennan et al. (2017) warn that Northern Ireland faces a convergence of environmental, political, and economic breakdowns if these systemic governance failures are not addressed and mechanisms of government are not installed. 

Economic Growth and Environmental Sustainability

The relationship between economic growth and environmental sustainability in Northern Ireland has been the subject of several studies, though often overlooked in favour of other pressing political and social issues. It is well-established in the literature that there is a disparity between Belfast’s environmental goals and their economic ones (Barry, 2009; Fearon and Barry, 2022; McClenaghan, 2008). This is in large part owing to the fact that Northern Ireland lacks an independent Environmental Protection Agency, as noted by (Barry, 2009; Brennan, Purdy and Hjerp, 2017) which would enhance broader mechanisms of government. As a result, environmental decisions are made by local or national governments, which prioritise economic growth over environmental sustainability and largely overlook regulation (Barry, 2009). McClenaghan (2008) references Turner’s (2006) observation of Stormont’s steadfast commitment to economic growth, which further exacerbates this prioritisation. 

Scholars have critiqued the framing of economic growth as inherently desirable, particularly within regions undergoing post-conflict reconstruction like Northern Ireland. Davies (2021) highlights the challenges of integrating sustainability into urban policy under neoliberal regimes, where economic competitiveness often trumps ecological responsibility.  Currently, environmental protection is sacrificed in Northern Ireland for the sake of economic growth, but Barry (2009) argues that this is not the only eventuality. Fearon and Barry, (2022) examine the reunification process and its role in hindering discussions on reshaping our approach to economic growth. According to their research, the reunification process may be overly narrow in its scope, potentially overlooking important environmental considerations. Economic growth is being framed as the solution to the financial challenges that could emerge during the reunification process. This unique perspective was not recorded in any other research found by the researchers, however this is not the optimal outcome as economic growth often sacrifices sustainability. 

Communicating Emergency 

Discovering the best practices to communicate the threat of the climate crisis to the general public has been a central objective of scientific communities for decades. Depoux et al. (2017) highlight how the media most frequently frames climate change as an environmental concern. While true, they argue this could be a less effective way to get the public to care. It was found that only 4.2% of the observed news articles linked climate change to potential health outcomes, though this method of communication has become increasingly popular in recent years. Methods of social media analysis found that a growing number of the general public is concerned with the potential health effects of climate change. Though, the authors state that this method is only effective as long as it’s accompanied with potential solutions. 

Ballantyne (2016) explores how insights from communication theory can inform the ways we convey information about climate change to diverse audiences. The article emphasises the importance of tailoring messages to specific audience values, prior knowledge and cultural contexts to make communication more impactful. The author also underscores the need to avoid fear-based messaging without offering solutions, as this could lead to disengagement or a lack of enthusiasm within the community or audience. 

This work will assist this research in regard to Belfast’s communication strategies on economic growth and environmental action. The emphasis on audience-specific messaging and fostering public trust aligns with the need to evaluate how government officials and agencies within Belfast communicate issues like the climate crisis and degrowth to the general public and how communities can work with one another. The framework offered by Ballantyne (2016) could provide a lens to assess whether Beflast’s government is effectively engaging with the residents or presenting conflicting narratives that undermine public trust. 

However, while the author effectively highlights the role of communicating theory in improving climate change messaging, the article fails to address the specific challenges of communicating within contexts that have potentially contradictory objectives. For example, the potential for mixed signals — such as promoting economic growth alongside environmental conversation — may erode public trust in climate initiatives, a central concern in this study. Addressing these unique tensions would strengthen the applicability of the findings to cases like Belfast. 

Infrastructure Investment

Newman (2015) highlights the importance of investing in public transport infrastructure by showcasing how the speed of movement in cities slows down in correlation with an increase in personal vehicles. Rates of traffic congestion rise as a result of there being more personal vehicles on roads. However, he states that public transport would decrease this congestion. This would also reduce emissions, however this was only briefly mentioned by Newman (2015). Some forms of public transport are not as fast as cars, however he mentions many cities where this is not the case. Rail systems in particular tend to be faster than cars, and with further investment in public transport infrastructure, these statistics will only improve (Newman, 2015).  

Cho and Choi (2021) present an interesting viewpoint on the topic of sustainable transport, which presents a gap in the literature. Like Newman (2023), they also discuss the importance of high speed, efficient transport networks. However, although their article reflects on the importance of sustainable transport investment, their primary goal is that it would be in conjunction with economic growth. They fail to consider the possible benefits of an alternative such as degrowth, unlike Cattaneo et al. (2022) who see degrowth as the optimal strategy for mobility in urban centres. They conducted a comprehensive study on urban mobility and concluded that, while public transport is more advantageous than private vehicles, its widespread adoption is unlikely due to its relatively slow speed. The optimal solution centers on active transport, hybrid transport such as e-bikes and scooters as well as carpooling options as they are quicker and more direct. 

Henao et al. (2015) highlight how Boulder, Colorado prioritised investments in active transportation and public transit during the 1990s and 2000s. In doing so, the transportation mode shares saw a dramatic shift. The Boulder Transportation Master Plan, created in 1989, outlined how it could develop a more robust multimodal transportation system and promote walking as a ‘primary mode of travel.’

Cain et al. (2024) explore the role of local municipalities in developing electric vehicle charging infrastructure. They highlight policy frameworks, financial incentives and urban planning strategies that support the expansion of EV charging networks. However, the paper falls short in addressing the broader environmental concerns associated with EV adoption. While it focuses on infrastructure expansion, it does not critically examine the environmental trade-offs of EVs, such as the ecological impact of lithium mining for batteries, energy consumption in battery production and challenges with the safe disposal of obsolete batteries. These factors complicate the narrative that EVs are inherently sustainable, suggesting that municipal planning should consider the full impact of EV technology rather than solely focusing on EV infrastructure development. 

Theoretical Framework

The literature on degrowth highlights a central tension: in wealthy societies like the UK, continued economic growth and meaningful climate action are often incompatible. Degrowth theory provides a useful framework to critically examine this contradiction and assess whether alternative pathways, focused on well-being and ecological balance, are being considered in Belfast’s current policy frameworks. Hickel (2021) and Kallis et al. (2020) emphasise that the structure of economic growth produces environmental pressures. This insight supports our hypothesis: that Belfast’s growth strategy, while promoting sustainability in name, may not be as sustainable as it seems. 

Van den Bergh and Kallis (2012) introduce the concept of “a-growth” — a position that rejects Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as a meaningful goal in environmental policy. They argue that focusing on human and ecological well-being rather than economic output creates more space for practical climate action. This idea is important in the context of Belfast, where economic success is largely defined in growth terms. 

Akbulut (2021) expands on this by calling out the ideological hold of growth realism, the assumption that economic growth is non-negotiable. She explains that degrowth involves more than reducing GDP; it requires a deep cultural and political shift, what she calls a “decolonisation of the imaginary” (Akbulut, 2021, p. 101). In policy language, this means questioning phrases like “regional economic hub” or “growth clusters,” which dominate the Economic Strategy (Belfast City Council, 2022). Our research analysed how this language frames the city’s future in ways that reinforce growth at the expense of climate urgency. By contrast, Akbulut advocates for selective degrowth, reducing harmful sectors while expanding those that directly improve well-being. This concept is particularly relevant to our focus on infrastructure investment in Belfast and whether it is aligned with sustainability, or simply reinforces car-centric, high-emission patterns under a green label. 

Islar et al. (2024) contribute further by positioning degrowth as a pathway not only to ecological sustainability, but to social transformation. Their work draws on recent IPCC findings that recognise degrowth and post-growth approaches as valid and necessary climate solutions. This strengthens the case for using degrowth as the central theoretical framework for our project. If global scientific bodies now support it as a viable route to climate stability, cities like Belfast must at least consider its relevance in policymaking.

Together, these scholars build a strong case for degrowth as both a critique of current policy contradictions and a set of concrete, alternative visions. Our research applied these insights to the Belfast context by analysing how language and priorities in public policy reproduce the logic of growth. Through interviews, we also aimed to explore how different actors, from government officials to academics, view these tensions and what possibilities exist for shifting toward more sustainable futures. 

Ethical Considerations and Positionality

As the three researchers are students of the Environment, Society and Development course at the University of Galway, in which environmental concerns are a core tenet of the module, it is imperative that the researchers remain as objective as possible. This project focuses on the contradictions between economic growth plans and environmental action plans. The researchers output will remain neutral by interviewing stakeholders aligning with both plans. While this research uses a theoretical framework centering on degrowth, the researchers will not let this affect research findings from the market-oriented interviewees. 

Finally, regarding the ethics and positionality concerns of the methodologies used, the researchers acknowledge the potential bias that can arise from interview settings as the questions focus on participants’ opinions. In conjunction with that, the discourse analysis will be carried out exclusively using official Belfast government affiliated documents — primary sources — as opposed to third party resources which could contain editorialisation. 

Research Methodology and Design 

To carry out this research a mixed-methodological approach was used, incorporating qualitative data — discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews. Wodak (2014) defines discourse analysis as the uncovering and decoding of information through methodical analysis. To carry out the discourse analysis, both frameworks were examined in terms of exclusionary language; for example it was noted whether, or how often each framework used terms like degrowth, sustainability or regulation. The Economic Strategy 2022-2030 was examined to see if it referred to sustainable practices. 

Semi-Structured Interviews 

The first methodology employed was semi-structured interviews. Five participants were interviewed from varying backgrounds, ranging from economists, academics, to members of Belfast City Council. Adeoye‐Olatunde and Olenik, (2021) highlight the advantages of semi-structured interviews, stating that they provide the interviewer with a structured framework while also offering freedom and flexibility to follow the natural flow of the conversation, thus enhancing the content. This methodology was deemed the most suitable for this project as the researchers aimed to gain a deeper understanding of individual mindsets on environmental sustainability, economic growth and communicating emergency.  

Discourse Analysis 

Discourse Analysis (DA) was the chosen methodology to analyse the environmental and economic strategies and interviews. Mogashoa (2014) states discourse analysis allows researchers to uncover the assumptions, silences, and ideologies embedded in policy texts, offering a deeper understanding of how language constructs environmental and economic narratives. For the analysis of the strategy documents, keywords were highlighted if they fell under the established themes. For Belfast’s Net-Zero Carbon Roadmap, the three themes were climate, transport and economy. The keywords were determined based on frequency of appearance. For the Economic Strategy, the primary themes included growth and sustainability. Once the themes had been established, the researchers took note of terms and phrases which had not been included in the documents. Notes were also collected on the tone as well as the general limitations of each framework. 

Discourse analysis was also completed on the interviews. Once the interviews were completed, the researchers transcribed the audio and coded the data by highlighting quotes under the three themes which had been established in the DA of the Roadmap to Net-Zero — climate, economy and transport. The theme of communication was added to the coding, as it was pertinent to the project and deemed necessary by the researchers. When the coding of the interviews was complete — similar to the method mentioned above — notes were taken on the content, recurring themes, the tone of the interviews, key gaps or ‘things’ of note/significance. 

Evidence

Discourse Analysis of Belfast’s Roadmap to Net-Zero 

Cost effective options: 

Throughout the Net-Zero Carbon Roadmap for Belfast (Gouldson et al., 2020) on “cost” and “cost effectiveness” which is mentioned 12 times — highlighting how some of the main priorities within this plan are centered around frugality and economic growth. It’s also mentioned several times how some of these energy-efficient methods will not only benefit the environment but, equally important, could generate capital as these measures will “more than pay for themselves… Adopting these options would reduce Belfast’s total projected energy bill in 2050 by £263 million per year whilst also creating 4,779 years of employment in the city.”(Gouldson et al., 2020 pg 9) This exemplifies the mentality towards cost effectiveness and the importance of economic growth. 

Growth: 

While the document doesn’t frequently state “growth” as a goal, it is often indicated as an expectation. Even when citing expected reductions in the city’s emissions, economic growth remains a central element. “With on-going decarbonisation of grid electricity, and taking into account population and economic growth within the city region, we project that Belfast’s 2000 level of annual emissions output will have fallen by a total of 51% in 2050.” (Gouldson et al., 2020 pg.9). This highlights how growth underscores the very nature of cities’ future plans, be they environmental or economic. Growth has become such an inherent part of capitalistic society that it seems impossible to have a future plan which does not rely on growth. Furthermore, there was no allowance made for the potential inclusion of degrowth — a concept which was not mentioned once throughout the Net-Zero Roadmap for Belfast. 

Emissions:

The term “emissions” and other similar terms like “greenhouse gases” and “carbon” are used over 70 times within the Net-Zero Roadmap for Belfast (Gouldson et al., 2020). In this document, emissions are divided into three sections, Scope 1, Scope 2 and Scope 3. Scope 1 includes fuel, landfill and industry. Scope 2 includes electricity and Scope 3 includes imported consumption. As part of this roadmap, only Scope 1 and Scope 2 emissions are considered, as the authors feel that they fall more directly under the city’s influence than Scope 3 emissions (Gouldson et al., 2020). Furthermore, long-distance travel emissions including aviation are also excluded from the roadmap. We — the researchers — believe that this is a major limitation on the document and fail to see how emissions from imported consumption would not fall under city influence. Furthermore, we also believe that given the globalised context of our world, both Scope 3 emissions and aviation emissions would heavily add to overall emissions. This further limits the roadmap and the chance of achieving Net-Zero without them. The authors do state that Scope 3 emissions would ideally be included eventually, but no timeline is given. 

Transport 

EVs / Hybrids:

The document mentions a transition to electric and low-carbon vehicles as an inherently positive change (Gouldson et al., 2020). It does not consider how building out infrastructure for personal-use vehicles — electric or otherwise — could encourage this method of transportation over others, like active transport and public transit, which are more efficient and use fewer resources (Gov.UK, 2024). “The most carbon-effective options for the city to deliver these carbon cuts include… a range of measures across the transport sector including modal shift to non-motorised transport and the wider up-take of electric vehicles.” (Gouldson et al., 2020 pg.9). While the document does mention active transportation and public transit positively, its language often equates the use of personal electric or hybrid vehicles with these more efficient and — according to their own data — cost effective measures. This data is expressed in graphs and charts within the document, however it is not explicitly discussed. The researchers feel that this is a limitation as it impedes the overall clarity and usability of the report. Another failing of this report is the lack of attention given to the potential of electric public transport such as electric buses(Gouldson et al., 2020). There has been a high-speed hybrid bus system in operation in Belfast since 2018 called the Glider, which was not mentioned in the report. The only reference to electric buses can be found in one small chart. 

Table 2: The Most Cost-Effective Measures for Transport (Gouldson et al., 2020 pg. 39)

Active Transport: 

Table 3: Belfast’s Sectoral Emissions Reduction KPIs for Transport (Gouldson et al., 2020 pg. 31)

Active transport is one of the approaches which the authors promote consistently as a means of achieving net-zero goals. On more than one occasion, they refer to the need to change habits, in a move away from typical forms of transport like the use of personal vehicles — toward active transport (Gouldson et al., 2020). This was also one of the few areas where tangible roll-out measures were provided as seen in Table 3 above. Their target was set at the construction of 6 km of cycling pathways.

The roadmap to net-zero document is a positive step in the right direction, however the researchers found that it was poorly composed. Its lack of actionable insights in conjunction with its overly ambitious goals weakened the integrity of the document. There are positive elements however, such as the awareness of the need to change habits including transportation methods. 

Discourse Analysis of Belfast’s Economic Strategy 2022-2030 

Growth: 

One of the opening sentences of the strategy is indicative of the rest of the document as it aims to “deliver the promise of Belfast’s economic potential and position it as a driver for prosperity and growth across the region.” (Belfast City Council, 2022. np) The document’s myopic view of economic strategy assumes that growth is the only desirable outcome. Furthermore, the researchers noted that at no point in the document was any reference made to the possibility of de-growth, smart growth or future growth. Considering the consistent mention of achieving net-zero initiatives within the strategy, the researchers believe that concepts such as degrowth are key to achieving these goals. In a world where a climate emergency has been declared, it seems antithetical to remain focused on the notion of economic growth. 

Sustainability:

Despite the fact that this document is an Economic Strategy, the researchers feel that it does give an adequate amount of attention to the environment and sustainability. One of the document’s 12 policy actions is entitled “Enabling a path to Net Zero” and many of the other policy actions include terms like “sustainable” and “efficiency” in their titles, (Belfast City Council, 2022). It has been widely accepted that the term ‘Sustainability’ has left academic circles and has become a standard phrase used by the general public. This has had both positive and negative impacts, but one of the negative impacts is that it can lose meaning and be employed as a tick-box phrase. The researchers fear that this may be the case in this Economic Strategy as it is used over 30 times without any major definition (Belfast City Council, 2022). 

“By 2030, we will support over 50 per cent of employers to actively integrate inclusion and sustainability principles into their business operations, to be measured by Belfast Business Sustainability Survey.”

Transport:

The document outlines several specific actions that could be taken to improve transportation infrastructure in a more environmentally-conscious way. Methods of doing so include “Rapidly increasing the number of EV charging points across the city” and “Engagement with the Department for Communities and the Department for Infrastructure to make city centre inner ring junctions more pedestrian- and cycle-friendly.” (Belfast City Council, 2022 np). 

While personal electric vehicles are not the most efficient means of transportation — especially within urban areas — the document does also give significant attention to the need for improving walkability and bikeability within the city. While plans of doing so are not in-depth, it does include some examples, as shown above, of measures that are needed to achieve a more robust active transit network. 

Discourse Analysis of Interviews 

Under the theme of economy, the interviewees had mixed opinions. Some were pro-degrowth, some thought degrowth was worth consideration but questioned its feasibility and others couldn’t imagine it as a realistic possibility. Participant 5 “And I don’t know what it actually visually looks like degrowth in my head, you know versus growth which I feel like I can kind of picture.” 

The general consensus among interviewees was that in economic discourse, mention of the climate crisis and its effects are largely excluded. Participant 2 “Simple answer, no they don’t reflect the environment at all and infrastructure investment in particular is totally based on false economic algorithms… So yeah, the economy still rules in terms of those decision-makings, until somebody has the sense to take those algorithms apart and rebuild them in a sensible way. We’re stuffed.”

In addition, everyone recognized a need for a change of habits — particularly in terms of consumption and transportation. We thought this was an interesting result as participants had extremely diverse opinions on governmental economic strategy, but all could agree on needed habitual and cultural changes within the community.

With regard to transport, it is widely acknowledged that infrastructure is lacking in Belfast. Two interviewees recognized that Belfast is well-suited for pedestrianization due to its small size and density though it is not currently feasible due to poor active transport infrastructure. Moreover, two interviewees emphasized the idea that public transportation is more realistic in Belfast than active transportation methods — specifically biking. Participant 5 “So Belfast is really small. And so we want streets that are connected and green and safe and vibrant, that encourage people to walk. We know that cycling is great. I mean that’s grand. But that public transport will do the heavy lifting of modal change, so we actually want more people on public transport because we know that’s where we can get people on.” 

It was generally accepted that policy is required to promote change within transportation methods. In addition, poor distribution of funding, with regard to transport infrastructure, has not helped to improve current circumstances. We found that there was an overall consensus among interviewees that drastic changes to transportation infrastructure in Belfast are needed, but question why this isn’t proportionately reflected within sustainability roadmaps and strategies. 

According to the interviewees climate is largely ignored in economic plans and policy more generally. One of the biggest barriers to implementing change, which repeatedly resurfaced among all the interviewees, is the amount of stakeholders involved in issues of climate. This leads to disjointed communication, particularly between NI, the Republic and Westminster. People feel as though no-one has any actual power to make changes. 

Furthermore, due to poor planning, some communities are seeing the effects of pollution more than others as a result of a lack of infrastructure, which leads to excess personal vehicles. Because of the tenuous political landscape politicians in power struggle to agree on climate measures, and therefore little change is occurring.
 

When asked about communication of climate emergency, all interviewees had the same response. They recognised the need for a bottom up approach, including the way one approaches the subject and the language used. Participant 1 “The other way is you speak a language people understand. Forget about talking about climate change and tonnes of carbon and the sustainable development goals and all that malarkey. That stuff that we in the Academy and policymakers and you poor students have to learn. But for most ordinary citizens, they just want to know where am I going to get my food? Is my kid going to have good quality public service as an education?”

This is imperative for messaging the climate emergency and getting the community on-board. Two interview participants referred to the importance of social media and strength in numbers. They suggested that if a community came together, politicians would be forced to listen due to their desire for electoral votes.  

Conclusion

This research critically examined the communication of emergency with a particular focus on transport infrastructure in Belfast. Our central research question was — “How can we use transportation infrastructure as a lens through which we can assess the communication of climate emergency within a city’s economic growth and environmental plans?” With this question as our core focus, we explored how the economic growth plan and the roadmap to net zero to demonstrate Belfast’s ability to convey the climate emergency. 

Our analysis was grounded in degrowth theory, which challenges the assumption that continuous economic expansion is compatible with ecological sustainability. It provides a framework to evaluate whether Belfast’s strategies effectively promote long-term resilience, or merely present growth with an environmental focus. While climate language is present in the Economic Strategy for Belfast 2022–2030 and the Roadmap to Net-Zero, systemic change remains elusive. Economic growth persists as the dominant narrative, and critical issues — like Scope 3 emissions, transport solutions, and active mobility, are consistently under-emphasised. 

Interviews with stakeholders in Belfast brought these policy tensions to life. The five interviewees described a bureaucratic system struggling with insufficient power structures and fragmented responsibility, making ambitious climate governance difficult to implement. Transport infrastructure remains uneven and inadequate which needs improvement. Communication was widely seen as top-down and disconnected from the realities of everyday life. Climate urgency is understood, but not yet matched by institutional capacity or inclusive strategies. 

Key lessons include:

• The urgent need to align economic and climate policy, not as separate agendas, but as co-dependent.
• The importance of breaking down bureaucratic silos and empowering integrated, community-based decision-making.
• The need to include citizens within conversations of transformation, not as passive recipients of policy. 
• Belfast’s Roadmap to Net-Zero lacks actionable solutions, as it has over-ambitious goals and has an alarmingly strong economic focus.
• The Economic Strategy for Belfast 2022-2030 has a greater focus on sustainability than the researchers expected. 
• Public transport and even moreso, active travel in Belfast require investment and attention.
• There is a general lack of consideration of alternatives to growth among policies and strategies.

There is a need for further research on how physical aspects of Belfast’s social and political history, such as peace walls, impact active transportation methods. For instance, one interviewee stated that some gates between peace walls close at sunset, which can leave citizens stranded. This renders active transportation methods more difficult and less likely to be used by locals in some areas. Much of Belfast’s environmental plans prioritise improving EV infrastructure as opposed to public transit and active transit infrastructure — the climatic implications of which require further examination, as they were beyond the scope of this research.

Lastly, there are too many stakeholders and departments involved in decision-making which ultimately leads to a lack of action. A recurrent theme is that Northern Ireland is unique in its political configuration due to its post-colonial history, which adds to the challenge of progress. This, and potential solutions to this issue within Belfast, such as participatory planning, present an area for further research. 

The future of climate governance in Belfast relies on effective leadership and participation from its people. The journey ahead will require careful consideration, significant changes, and comprehensive policy development, as well as fostering creativity, cooperation, and a collective effort. Belfast has the potential to excel in both their economic and environmental action plans, the question is whether decision-makers will listen to existing calls for improvement and respond appropriately and promptly. 

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